On May 28, a press conference was held in Bamako by several political associations, members of the M5, a political movement whose president of the Strategic Committee is Choguel Maïga, the current Prime Minister of Mali. On this occasion, the action of the transition was scrutinized. We can first stop for a moment to discuss what the speakers consider to be a positive point in the governance of the Assimi Goïta regime. This positive point, according to the M5, is the “clear improvement in the security situation”. And for this, the movement which was at the origin of the fall of Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, has braided laurels to the Malian armed forces. We can join the M5 in recognizing and saluting the rise of the Malian armed forces in the fight against terrorists. The statistics, indeed, given by Bamako in this field, insofar as they are in conformity with reality, can indeed justify this appreciation. Apart from this single bright spot which the M5 welcomed, all the other aspects of the governance of the transition were painted black.
Beyond Choguel Maïga, it is the whole transition that is today in the crosshairs of the supporters of Imam Mahmoud Dicko
And the main responsible for this situation, according to the speakers, is the current Prime Minister, Choguel Maïga. From this point of view, the M5 demands the resignation of the latter. A petition has been initiated to this effect. Daba Diallo, spokesman for the petitioners, delivered a violent indictment against him, in these terms: “Today, we believe that the fight of the M5 is hijacked and that Choguel Maïga will not remain Prime Minister and President of the Strategic Committee at the same time. Really, the situation is such that we have decided to come out of our reserve and tell the truth to the Malians”. We can therefore say that Choguel Maïga was “dropped in full flight” by his former comrades. This expression, one remembers, was used by the same Choguel Maïga to characterize the attitude of France vis-à-vis Mali, when Paris had decided to redeploy Barkhane to Niger. This muscular exit of the M5, against the current Prime Minister, is far from being a spontaneous fact. We remember, in fact, that a motion of no confidence had been considered against him by deputies of the transition. Beyond Choguel Maïga, it is the whole transition that is today in the crosshairs of the supporters of Imam Mahmoud Dicko. Only on May 27, the religious leader did not need to wear gloves to publicly qualify the transitional authorities as “arrogant”. Sounding the same trumpet, Youssouf Daba Diawara, a close friend of the Imam, hammered home this: “We have seen, lately, the installation of an atmosphere unfavorable to freedom of expression”. It was enough for the activists under the orders of the junta to fall on them with short arms. On the web indeed, the religious guide has been treated with all the names of birds.
All dissenting voices were silenced today in Bamako
The war that was latent between the Imam and the junta has now become open. And we can afford to salute the temerity of Mahmoud Dicko. Because he is one of the few personalities in Mali who can still call the grandmother by her name. Malians have done less than that. But they paid a heavy price. The luckiest were able to cross the border to take the path of exile. The less fortunate are now languishing in prison. All have been accused, rightly or wrongly, of driving for France. In reality, all dissenting voices were silenced today in Bamako. Will we push the paranoia to the point of also considering Mahmoud Dicko as a local valet of French imperialism after the critical remarks he has just made against the junta? This hypothesis cannot be ruled out. Because, the regimes which are in the arbitrary, settle their accounts first with their “enemies” or supposed such. After them, they take care of their “friends”. Sékou Touré experimented with it in Guinea. In Mali, Moussa Traoré had done so. The junta would benefit from not following in their footsteps. Otherwise, it runs the risk of bequeathing to the regime that will succeed it, a Mali where Manichaeism has the force of law and where exercising one’s free will can be perceived as heresy. Assimi Goïta must absolutely avoid following this logic. If for that, he must get rid of the divisive Choguel Maïga, why not?
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